Radix Journal

Radix Journal

A radical journal

Author: Richard Spencer

Roman Holiday

The past few days have been deeply affirming and deeply trying. Affirming in that our conference was a wonderful event. On Sunday morning, everyone I met was in great spirits…

The past few days have been deeply affirming and deeply trying.

Affirming in that our conference was a wonderful event. On Sunday morning, everyone I met was in great spirits and excited about the speeches, the press conference, and, in particular, the atmosphere on Saturday evening. The amount of excitement we’re generating means we’re making a breakthrough.

But these past days have been trying, too. And—let’s be honest—we must learn some important lessons from the media outrage that has resulted from my “Hail Trump!” toast and the handful of people in the crowd who gave Roman salutes.

One of the greatest qualities of the Alt Right is our irreverence and fun. Conservatives are dour and humorless. The Alt Right is boisterous and even outlandish.

As I began my speech on Saturday night, I said “Long Live the Emperor!” Another speaker, Matthew Tait, toasted the Egyptian deity Kek. When I was in Cleveland, Ohio, this summer, I was photographed giving the “other” straight-arm salute (the one with a clinched fist, which is apparently okay). One person photographed saluting with Tila Tequila observed, “As a half-Jew posing with an Asian, I figured it would be viewed for what it was, a joke.” Other people who took part in the exuberance have emailed me similar stories.

The other stiff-arm salute.

The other stiff-arm salute.

We should never allow our enemies to define what we can and cannot joke about. (For the record, I don’t care if BLM activists make ironic gestures towards Stalin or Mao; it doesn’t change what I think of them.)

But the fact remains, there are millions of eyes on us now. And what we do and say have more ramifications than they did before.

We are a movement that is challenging the Great Taboos of the age and, because of that, we will inherently run up against massive attacks from the mainstream media. This often inspires us to throw PC back in the faces of the chattering class. And, no doubt, the Roman salutes at the event were meant, not just as a celebration, but as a big “FU!” to the lying media (which, as we’ve seen, really does lie).

But we should always remember our goal of reaching that “Eternal Normie”—the people who grasp that something is profoundly wrong with the world . . . but who can’t quite articulate it . . . who are looking for a way out . . . and who have been psychologically programmed since birth to see anything related to Nazism as the seat of all evil. In other words, we must demonstrate discipline; this goes for me, as well those who attend public and private events. Since I began my career as an activist, I have recognized that the Alt Right will not succeed as a movement trapped in the past. This is 2016, as they say, and we must be fresh and new and engaged.

So let’s move upwards and onwards. No apologies, for we did nothing wrong. Despite all the media’s ridiculous fear mongering, it was our enemies outside the hall who were engaged in the most vile physical attacks. We were the ones celebrating, and we’ll be the ones who get the last laugh.

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Long Live the Emperor!

Editor’s Note: This is the text version of a speech recently given by National Policy Institute President and Radix editor Richard B. Spencer at NPI’s Become Who We Are 2016…

Editor’s Note: This is the text version of a speech recently given by National Policy Institute President and Radix editor Richard B. Spencer at NPI’s Become Who We Are 2016 conference

I don’t think I’m alone in thinking how surreal this all is.

Of course, those of us on the Alt Right always took President-elect Donald J. Trump and his chances seriously. Unlike everyone else, we weren’t surprised, or at least not that surprised. We knew he could win. Many of us thought all along he would win. The mainstream media, or perhaps we should refer to them in the original German—Lugenpresse—never did.

This was the year when random shitlords on Twitter, anonymous podcast hosts, and dissidents working deep within the Beltway Right proved they objectively understood politics better than the “Republican strategists” and “political consultants” snarking at us every night on MSNBC. It’s not just that they are leftists or cucks. It’s not just that many are genuinely stupid. Indeed, one wonders if those people are people at all, or instead soulless Golems, animated by some dark power to repeat whatever talking points John Oliver said the night before.

But even though we always took Trump seriously, there was still a moment of unreality – or perhaps too painfully intense reality – when the state of Pennsylvania was called for Donald Trump, the moment when we knew Kek had smiled upon us, that meme magic was real. And though these terms are used half-jokingly, they represent something truly important–the victory of will. We willed Donald Trump into office, made this dream into reality. If you will it, it is no dream, a quote I’m sure our friends at the Anti-Defamation League know well. And this is only the beginning.

After all, what does it mean, to bring your dreams into reality? Dreams are chaotic and hard to understand. They can be self-contradictory and confusing. But at some level, they represent our deepest yearning, our desire to make the impossible real. As TE Lawrence wrote, we’re aren’t the dreamers of the Night, whose dreams are mere vanity. We are the “Dreamers of the Day,” those who do not want our visions or even our fantasies to be escapes from reality. We want them to be the reality.

In a culture which offers video games, endless entertainment, drugs, alcohol, porn, sports, and a thousand other distractions to convince us of another reality, we want to cut all of that away. We demand to live in the world we imagine.

Today, there is an effort by the humiliated mainstream, those commissars who are lashing out against us and who are whipping up the mobs outside this very building, to push back against us. Despite winning the election fairly, despite winning in the face of near unanimous opposition from the mainstream media, despite destroying both the Republican and Democratic establishments, there is a concerted push to deny the new president-elect legitimacy. It’s especially amusing considering the indignant whining we heard only two weeks ago about how unconscionable it was that Donald Trump was supposedly going to refuse to accept the election results and how he was going to unleash his supporters into the streets. Really, who can take these people seriously ever again?

In the later part of the campaign, Peter Thiel, one of the few people of wealth and status who endorsed Trump, talked about America as a “normal” country, a country with a functional government not constantly at war with the rest of the world. This was the promise of Trump to many of his supporters. And yet, for the cultural Left and its propagandists in the controlled media, then main argument we here today, if you can call it an argument, is that Trump should not be “normalized.” This of course begs the question–what is normal today?

In the Current Year, late-night comedians don’t tell jokes, but give us lectures on what we should not be allowed to laugh at. Worn-out celebrities like Madonna, who have based their entire lives into transforming themselves into clumsy symbols of sexuality and materialism, claim to be offended by the “indecency” of Donald Trump. Journalists don’t fight for free speech, but lead the charge to restrict it. In the Current Year, the state wars against the nation, rather than protecting it.

What is the state of the world? What is this status quo that our “normal” President, Barack Hussein Obama, the community organizer from Chicago, is now shilling for on his last foreign tour?

Let’s look at what our government does. The bulk of the threats we face, especially the Islamic State or Muslim terrorists operating within our own societies, have been enabled by our own government. Massive armies, huge navies, terrifying weapons which could destroy the whole world over and are subsidized at ruinous cost, are actually used to further policies which make all of us less safe.

In the Europe defended by American armies, refugees who commit horrific crimes are set free, but citizens who criticize them are arrested. Meanwhile, at home, the protection of the borders, the primary–and to some libertarians, the only national security responsibility of the government–is ignored.

Indeed, Western governments go out of their way to seek out the most dysfunctional immigrants possible and relocate them at taxpayer expense. The “non-government” organizations who support this colonization effort are given huge amounts of money to make their own communities worse. Is this “normal?” Would the Founding Fathers who created those “American ideals” we hear so much about think this is ok?

Let’s look at the culture.

In the Current Year, one’s career can be ruined and life destroyed if you express anything other than admiration for a man who wants to cut off his genitals and say he’s a woman.

In the Current Year, we are told the great threat to our democracy is “fake news” – and then hear breathless accounts, backed little no evidence, that Breitbart.com is “White Nationalist.”

In the Current Year, a white who takes pride in his ancestors’ accomplishments is evil, but a white who refuses to accept guilt for his ancestors’ sins is also evil.

In the Current Year, white families work their whole lives to send their children to universities where they will be told how despicable they are.

In the Current Year, the powerful lecture the powerless about how they don’t recognize their own “privilege.”

In the Current Year, a wealthy Jewish celebrity bragging about the “end of white men” is “speaking truth to power.’

In the Current Year, if you are physically strong, you are fragile. Black is beautiful, but whiteness is toxic. Government doesn’t stop crime, but subsidizes it. “White Privilege” is real but race and sex are just constructs. And if facts are too disturbing, you can always retreat into the ‘safe space’ of box juice, teddy bears, and endless empathy where realty doesn’t matter anymore.

Today, neurotics and degenerates are presented to us as heroes. Beauty is openly denigrated as an offense against equality. And we are ruled by a government which, despite confiscating an outrageous amount of our wealth, can’t fulfill its basic responsibilities defending a people and territory.

This is a basic-bitch argument, but the pre-made signs of those leading the protests against Trump, probably some of those outside this building, come from some of the most extreme Communist groups in the country, the most murderous ideological force in history. It feels almost embarrassing to make this argument, because we know no one will take it seriously. Yet this very day breathless editorials screech that random Internet comments on websites the mainstream media don’t like mean Donald Trump shouldn’t appoint this or that person to his staff.

We need to remind ourselves of these things. None of this is natural. None of this is “normal.” This is a sick, disgusting, society, run by the corrupt, defended by hysterics, drunk on self-hatred and degeneracy. We invade the world and frantically invite entire populations who despise us. We subsidize people and institutions who make our lives worse just by the sheer fact of their existence. We run up deficits and pretend the laws of history simply don’t apply to us because of “American Exceptionalism.”

This cannot go on any longer. And it won’t.

At some level, we demand the impossible. Even those half-joking memes about Donald Trump as God-Emperor or as the progenitor of some glorious Imperium testify to the yearning for something more. Yes, we should insist on our dreams – on the conquest of space, on the development of revolutionary technology, for a humanity that is greater than we are today, for a race that travels forever on the upward path.

But at another level, what we want is something normal, something almost prosaic maybe even boring.

Why is something as simple as starting a family, owning a house, and leaving a legacy to your children seen as an almost impossible dream for so many Americans? Why must there be two incomes for a family simply to break even? Why is it impossible to build a real civic society because the whim of a federal bureaucrat or a Social Justice Warrior can impose Section 8 housing, refugee resettlement, or some other population transfer scheme deliberately designed to break apart functional white communities?

Why do institutions of higher learning turn out graduates who are personally and emotionally broken, as well as ignorant? Even those who can build something in this environment spend the money they earn to isolate themselves from all that vibrancy they feel the need to defend publicly.

It’s not just that this society makes it impossible for us collectively to accomplish great things. It’s that collectively, we can’t even accomplish small things anymore. We take for granted our culture is filth, that the mass transit won’t work, that the cities are rotted out from within, that the great art and architecture of the West has all essentially been made. We collectively know that our country’s best days are behind it.

That was the ur-myth that animated the Trump campaign. To say “Make America Great Again” is both radically pessimistic and boyishly optimistic at the same time. It is an admission America is not what it once was, that it is no longer that nation capable of achieving what it once did. Even liberals at some level know this, as they occasionally pay wistful tributes to the early 1960s America of the moon race and the middle class lifestyle, while conveniently forgetting that American society was 90% white at the time.

Yet MAGA is also forward looking. This idea that we can do this, that America can be what it was, that this idealized past can be restored. More than that, that it can reach new heights, be “greater than ever before,” as President-elect Trump put it. We’re going to win so much, we’re going to get tired of it. This is the new “normal” we are promised, an America of greatness, but also of functional communities and the possibility of a satisfying life for ordinary people.

Contrast MAGA with Marco Rubio’s “For a New American Century,” literally cribbed from the neocon think tank that planned the Iraq war. Contrast this with Hillary Clinton’s poll-tested “Stronger Together.” What does this even mean? Her coalition was made up of mutually hostile tribes, only united because of their hatred for what Peter Brimelow called the “historic American nation,” which is to say, us.

In the last week of the campaign, Trump was hosting several rallies a day, including one near here in Northern Virginia. A friend who was there told me he was several hours late but no one wanted to leave. But it became so late that small children – there were many families at these rallies – started falling asleep. Parents actually put coats on the ground to form a kind of bed for the children to sleep, and surrounded them to guard the sleeping youngsters. There was this kind of effortless high-trust environment you saw at these rallies, an entire people awakening to their own existence – and realizing not just that they exist and have an identity, but that they are strong.

Contrast that to the Hillary constituency. The black political machines and the guilt ridden liberal suburbanites who work their entire lives to move away from them. The left wing activists who think they are fighting the System by working for the federal government. The multinational CEO’s and the Latinos they’ve imported to clean their houses and cut their lawns. “Stronger together?” There are no two parts of this coalition who could even be in the same room together for any length of time.

And this contradiction goes to the heart of the Left. The Left couldn’t decide this year whether America was already great or whether it was never great. Is America some noble multiracial experiment that belongs to everyone and to no one, or is it the product of conquest and settlement by mean ol’ racist Europeans?

Is it a beacon of hope to the rest of the world or an enemy to be destroyed? Because, as the outgoing President would say, let’s be “clear” – despite these supposedly egalitarian “values,” America was, until this past generation, a White country, designed for ourselves and our posterity.

It is our creation, it is our inheritance, and it belongs to us.

The Alt Right is not just an alternative to the moribund “conservative movement,” that Beltway Right of direct mail scam artists and shills whose eternal “values” constantly trail the Left’s vanguard by a dozen years. It’s an alternative to a whole system of lies.

What are we fighting for is a “new normal,” a moral consensus we insist upon.

Donald Trump is a step towards this new normal. But even he is deeply compromised by the perversions that define this decadent society. Donald Trump warred against segregated establishments. He supports affirmative action, or put more bluntly, state-sponsored discrimination against whites. He will be perhaps the most pro-Zionist president ever put into office, turning a blind eye to continued Jewish settlement in the Palestinian territories. He opposes the Iran nuclear deal, which, we should admit, isn’t exactly that bad. He has, let us remember, left the door open for some kind of amnesty at some future date, talking about keeping “the good ones” in the country.

The hysteria surrounding his election doesn’t show that he is extreme, but it shows how unhinged the press and the chattering classes have become. We are told of a massive rush of hate crimes against nonwhites by evil racists emboldened by Trump’s victory. Amazingly, these crimes never seen to be captured on video. That violence which does exist seems to consist of direct physical attacks against Trump supporters. And even when this is captured on video, CNN political commentator and former press secretary for Bernie Sanders can smirk, “oh my goodness, poor white people.”

What we see is that the liberal hegemony which governs this society will not permit any reform, even the kinds of moderate reforms which could salvage the whole System. The undercurrent of almost all press coverage in the days since Trump’s ascendency is that white people should not be permitted to vote. What’s more, the news should be censored to ensure that people are only given the “correct” viewpoints.

Far from reflecting on why they lost or extending even a modicum of empathy towards European-Americans, the press has clearly decided to double down and wage war against both the legitimacy of Trump and the continued existence of White America.

But they are really opening the door for us.

You can imagine, hypothetically, some situation where a President Trump or whoever slaps some ramshackle America together and it limps along for a few more decades . . . where the boot is lifted off the neck of white America just long enough to keep the whole thing going. Yet the Left can’t permit that. Environmentalism, workers’ rights, income inequality, mass transit, whatever stated values it supposedly has are thrown out in order to pursue a remarkably crude and simplistic anti-white hatred that is driving it all.

And even more than during the election itself, the mask has been ripped off since Trump’s election. SJW’s always project and the American Left is driven by anti-white hatred – full stop. It has no other goals, no aspirations, nothing to look to. It is a nullity. And we have nothing in common with these people.

It is different for us. Race is real … but in some sense, whiteness really is a social construct. Think of the concepts that are now designated “problematic” and associated with whiteness — power, strength, beauty, agency, accomplishment. Whites do and other groups don’t. In the banality of normal life and in our most outlandish dreams, in both our Narrative and theirs, to be white is to be a striver, a crusader, an explorer and a conqueror. We build, we produce, we go upward.

And we recognize the central lie of American race relations. We don’t exploit other groups. We don’t gain anything from their presence. They need us, and not the other way around.

Whiteness, or, rather, identity, is being forced on the deracinated, consumerist Last Man that was the European-American. No one is going to be permitted to escape this process. Great historical changes are imminent when people are forced into a binary choice – fight or flee, join or die, resist … or cuck.

That is the position of white people. Two weeks ago, I might the have said the election of Donald Trump would actually lessen the pressure on white Americans. But today it’s clear his election is only intensifying the storm of hatred and hysteria being directed against us.

As Europeans, we are, uniquely, at the center of history. We are, as Hegel recognized, the concept of world history. No one will honor us for losing gracefully. No one mourns the great crimes committed against us. For us, it is conquer or die. This is a unique burden for the white man, that our fate is entirely in our hands. And it is appropriate because within us, within the very blood in our veins as children of the sun lies the potential for greatness.

That is the great struggle we are called to. We were not meant to live in shame and weakness and disgrace. We were not meant to beg for moral validation from some of the most despicable creatures to pollute the soil of this planet. We were meant to overcome–overcome all of it. Because that’s natural for us.

Because for us, as Europeans, it’s only normal again, when we are great again.

Hail Trump. Hail our people. Hail victory.

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The Knight of the Long Knives

The age of digital platform censorship is upon us! As am sure many of you have heard by now, Twitter has suspended my account along with those of Radix Journal,…

The age of digital platform censorship is upon us! As am sure many of you have heard by now, Twitter has suspended my account along with those of Radix Journal, NPI America, Washington Summit Publishers and various other Alt Right accounts, included certified MIT election influencer Ricky Vaughn. This just shows how dangerous the left-wing/media complex sees our ideas. I offer a few thoughts in a video below.

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We the Vanguard Now

Some might say that the Alt Right was bad for Trump . . . that we made his brand toxic . . . that we would have helped him more…

Some might say that the Alt Right was bad for Trump . . . that we made his brand toxic . . . that we would have helped him more by just shutting up or even endorsing Hillary . . . that our first rule should have been, “Do no harm” . . . etc.

But to think in this way is to misunderstand everything.

Sam Francis noted that with both the Democratic and Republican Parties, the elites are to the left of the voters. Left-wing intellectuals, activists, and operatives are to the left (often far to the left) of the majority of Democrats (your average labor-union worker, soccer mom, or Black American). On the other hand, the Republican elite (the bowtie brigade, religious leaders, and “conservative intellectuals”) are also to the left of Republicans. Indeed, the Republican elite functions to dampen or deflect populist energies—to make sure things don’t “get out of hand” and that American nationalism is always about tax cuts.

In turn, the Alt Right (long before we had the name) was totally alienated from Republican politics. Postmodern deconstructionists and former left-wing terrorists with academic sinecures have a place in the official Left. People like Sam Francis were personae non gratae in the Right.

2016 changed all this.

The Alt Right is deeply connected to Trumpian populism in intellectual, spiritual, and visceral ways—for, as everyone agrees, Trump’s victory was, at its root, a victory of identity politics. And it was a campaign that ultimately dispensed with “conservatism” as we knew it. Because of this fact, Trump was opposed by most all components of the mainstream Right—from the neocons to establishment operatives to goofballs like Glenn Beck. And these forces opposed him with such vehemence that they simply cannot share in his victory.

In this way, the Alt Right, far more plausibly than the “conservative movement,” can lay claim to being the new Trumpian vanguard.

Before Trump, the Alt Right could be criticized for being a “head without a body”; it was engaged in meta-political and scientific discussion, but lacked a real connection with practical politics and the hopes and dreams of average Americans. In turn, Trump’s populism—with its half-baked policy ideas and sketchy vision of the future—could be criticized as a “body without a head.”

Now we are the whole man. The Alt Right and Trumpian populism are now aligned much in the way the Left is aligned with Democratic politicians like Obama and Hillary. The American Right always lacked a true vanguard. In the form of “conservatives,” it had only a “rearguard” or “muffle” or “hall monitor.” We—and only we—can say the things Trump can’t say . . . can criticize him in the right way . . . and can envision a new world that he can’t quite grasp.

2016 wasn’t just a “weird election,” with a seemingly unelectable candidate who didn’t play by the rules. 2016 represents a paradigm shift of enormous proportions. We have been transfigured by it—and so has the world.

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What’s Wrong With Libertarianism?

I was recently asked by a journalist to comment on the decline of libertarianism. Here are my comments: 1. Voters under 30 tell pollsters they love legal weed, love gay…

I was recently asked by a journalist to comment on the decline of libertarianism. Here are my comments:


1. Voters under 30 tell pollsters they love legal weed, love gay rights, hate war, think the welfare state won’t be around for them. So why, in your view, did they bail on libertarians this year?

Gary Johnson is an obviously terrible candidate, but I think there are deeper reasons for his inability to capture people’s imagination. (Ron Paul never had an “Aleppo moment,” but he wasn’t much of a politician, either.)

Perhaps there is room enough only for one “anti-establishment” or “radical” candidate in each election cycle. So many of us supported Ron Paul in 2008—not for the “legal weed” and not just for his antiwar stance—but because he was the candidate of a new beginning, a dramatic “reset” after the Bush years. Bernie Sander captured some of this energy over the past year, as did Barack Obama in 2008. But in 2016, Donald Trump is the real candidate of “change”—the person who (we hope) will fundamentally transfigure politics as we know it.

Johnson and Weld present themselves as “liberals without the socialism” and “conservatives without the nationalism and religion.” They think this is the best of both worlds, but in fact, it is the worst of both worlds.

Though I’m not a libertarian, I do respect its intellectual tradition, and I’ve profited over the years by reading Murray Rothbard, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Tom Woods, Sean Gabb, Lew Rockwell, et al. They offer a radical vision of the world. Johnson and Weld, on the other hand, are simply another face of the existing system: “low-tax gay marriage” or “leftists for capitalism.”

2. Why did Trump, not Paul, capture the antiwar energy on the right?

The GOP primaries proved that populism easily trumps (left-)libertarianism.

Clearly, public opinion is against further Middle East wars. That said, successful candidates must be antiwar for the right reasons, and the public (and especially Republican voters) generally distrusts liberal pacifists and wimps. While most Republicans engage in symbolic “dick measuring” by talking about bombing various Middle East countries, Trump can authentically express his exasperation with the Iraq war and talk about sensibly working with Russia precisely because everyone knows he’s tough and resolute. “Only Nixon could go to China,” as the saying goes.

We forget now that the 2016 Republican nomination was Rand Paul’s to lose, as he was set to unify his father’s movement with the mainstream GOP. Paul lost big because Trump monopolized the populist energy; indeed, Paul was anti-populist. For the run-up to 2016, he engaged in all sorts of weird outreach to Black Lives Matter and the grievance industry—in other words, he was trying to appeal to the people Middle Americans hate most. When his poll numbers collapsed, Paul attacked Trump as a “racist” and went on The Daily Show presenting himself as the liberal’s choice for the Republican nomination—a truly idiotic strategy!

If Paul had amplified and echoed Trump (instead of attacking him), Paul might very well have earned the Vice Presidential nod. As it is now, Paul’s political career seems to have hit a wall.

3. How hobbled do you think libertarians are by their immigration stance?

That’s a bit like saying, “How hobbled do you think Catholics are by the their dogma?” In other words, you can’t have one without the other.

Yes, I know, there have been libertarians strongly opposed to mass immigration (Rothbard and Hoppe, most prominently), but this has always been a rather eccentric position. For immigration is ultimately a foreign policy; foreign policy is the realm of the state; and libertarians hate state power. Libertarianism is derived from a vision of a pacific world order, in which all humans are united through consensual relations and, as it were, collective individualism. It is a profoundly Christian worldview (even if most libertarians today are atheists).

Anyway, libertarianism is fundamentally inconsistent with nationalism and national identity. Most human beings on planet Earth are nationalists (of some kind) and have a strong sense of national identity. So you could say that libertarianism is hobbled by human nature.

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Radix Print Series

Radix is proud to announce our exclusive series of limited edition prints.  Designed by graphic artist Apex Dexter, they are meant to be displayed, collected, and treasured.   Each new…

Radix is proud to announce our exclusive series of limited edition prints. 

Designed by graphic artist Apex Dexter, they are meant to be displayed, collected, and treasured.  

Each new print will pay tribute to Alt Right ideas, heroes of the past and present, and visions of the future.   

Each design will be limited to a collection of 100 prints— individually numbered and signed by the artist. No more will ever be produced.   

These prints are produced through the process of Risography, an analog-digital hybrid technology that bridges ancient and modern—combining craftsmanship and authenticity with contemporary digital graphic design.

They are printed on 100-pound paper, with soy-based inks applied in multiple passes. 

A Dancing Star

28.00
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Deportation Force

28.00
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Accelerated Consciousness

Leading up to the election, Radix Journal will publish a symposium, “The Meaning of Trump,” drawing writers from across the Alt Right. This is the first essay. Jesus Christ, it…

Leading up to the election, Radix Journal will publish a symposium, “The Meaning of Trump,” drawing writers from across the Alt Right. This is the first essay.


Jesus Christ, it was said, will come again to separate the wheat from the chaff. Indeed, he will “burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire.”

Before the summer of 2015, I never would have believed anyone who told me that, one day, Donald Trump—the real-estate tycoon, reality star, and celebrity (in the best and worst meanings of that term)—would come to starkly divide the conservative movement, revealing friend and foe . . . come to transfigure the foreign-policy consensus and the bogus “Left and Right” it implied . . . come to bring a new existential quality to politics, which used to be about meaningless “hot buttons” and now is about nothing less than survival . . . But this is what has happened.

I also never would have believed that such a man would— unwittingly, most likely—advance the movement and ideals to which I’ve dedicated my life, and become a screen onto which we projected our hopes and dreams. But Trump has done this and more.

In 2012, if I learned that someone liked or voted for Mitt Romney, that would have told me nothing important about him. It could have meant he was a GOP goofball, Cuck, neoconservative, or Mormon partisan . . . or it could have meant that he was an identitarian, so worn down he found Mitt’s somewhat decent immigration stands to be admirable in comparison to what was around him.

The same could be said if I learned that someone hated Mitt Romney. For one could hate Mitt Romney for good reasons from a variety of perspectives across the political spectrum.

How different it is with Donald Trump.

To learn a man’s opinion of Trump—or, more specifically, his attitude towards Trump—is to learn, effectively, everything one needs to know about him. Trump separates the wheat from the chaff. To borrow another Biblical metaphor (this time from the Old Testament), Trump is the ultimate shibboleth. He reveals to us the people who—however confused they might be—care deeply about Europeans in North America and around the world and those who actively oppose us. And he reveals those who, like the Cucks, are willing to sacrifice their race is some Grand Signal of Moral Virtue.

I write this as someone who fears that, were Trump elected, he could turn into a great disappointment, with a hilarious POTUS twitter feed but not much substance. But what’s key is what Trump represents—and that is the dawning of European identity politics in the United States.

Eight years ago, as Barack Obama was poised to become the U.S.’s first non-White president, I attended a private meeting of the Alt Right (interestingly, this was around the time the term was invented).

In a panel discussion, Louis Andrews, my predecessor at NPI, noted that the election of Barack Obama was, from our perceptive, a thing devoutly to be wished. The problem with George W. Bush was not just his terrible policies, like the Iraq war and the “ownership society” that generated the housing bubble and stock-market crash. It was that Bush, as a Texas-accented Anglo-Saxon from a privileged family, gave average White people a false sense of security and a false consciousness:

We are still in charge! We’ve got one of our own in the White House. The liberal media hate him so much, he must be great!

Barack Obama, on the other hand, looks like his policies; indeed, he looks like the racial and cultural dispossession of White people—what Alex Kurtagic memorably called The Great Erasure.

Why not, Louis argued, vote for Obama? Why not do our part, however small, in accelerating an identitarian consciousness among White Americans? This was a variation on the Leninist “the worse, the better” strategy, and I found it quite cogent. (It’s worth asking: Would the Trump phenomenon have arisen were it not for America’s First Black President?)

How different it is with Donald Trump.

Even if a President Trump might disappoint, who could deny that he has been an overwhelmingly positive force in advancing European identity politics? Who could deny that, even if he loses, Trump will have, from our perspective, already won? Who could deny that Trump has been the very opposite of the safety valves and false starts—the McCains and Romneys and Cruzes—that have been worse than the Left in blocking European racial consciousness?

Supporting Trump requires sacrifice, even up to the point of being physically attacked, as we’ve seen in San Jose, Richmond, and elsewhere. I’ve heard stories from people working in corporations, law firms, and even bastions of the “conservative movement” that merely being a Trump fan is a firing offense. And Trump has, Jesus-like, made his campaign a self-sacrifice: after this intense year and half, there will never be another luxury golf course or condominium complex branded with the name “Trump.” He has given this up for us.

It is said that “the day of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night.” Trump, too, has come as a shock and surprise, totally unpredictable yet necessary. And he is a savior of sorts—a savior of an older America that, we must be honest, cannot be revived and probably existed only in the imagination. But Trump will be remembered not as a savior, but as a prophet—announcing and barely glimpsing a new politics, a new people, and a new kingdom.

No matter what happens on November 8, it has been Great.

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The Napoleon of the Current Year

We should all be grateful to Donald J. Trump. For he saved us from the tedious inevitability of an electoral season. 

He saved us from a year of Republican electioneering, featuring candidates seemingly chosen for their repulsive, annoying, or sleep-inducing qualities.

He saved us from another six months of “Hillary v Jeb,” and commentators pretending that it’s all so important and exciting . . . pretending that we’re not just watching two oligarchic families duke it out to see who’ll remain on top the longest before the coming election of President Dwayne Elizondo Mountain Dew Herbert Camacho. 

Against all of this stood Trump.

We should all be grateful to Donald J. Trump. For he saved us from the tedious inevitability of an electoral season.

He saved us from a year of Republican electioneering, featuring candidates seemingly chosen for their repulsive, annoying, or sleep-inducing qualities.

He saved us from another six months of “Hillary v Jeb,” and commentators pretending that it’s all so important and exciting . . . pretending that we’re not just watching two oligarchic families duke it out to see who’ll remain on top the longest before the coming election of President Dwayne Elizondo Mountain Dew Herbert Camacho.

Against all of this stood Trump.

Donald Trump, of course, does not challenge the oligarchic nature of American politics and elite rule. In a way, Trump’s “self-funded” campaign has made a mockery of the democratic process.

In the minds of Trump haters, Trump has turned the presidency into the bauble of an eccentric, narcissistic billionaire . . . an asshole of wealth and privilege . . . a man who delights in demeaning women and appealing to the basest instincts of the “poorly educated”, whom he loves . . . a man who aims to transform the American Republic into a surreal, horrifying Wrestlemania . . . a gold-plated fascism, with torchlight parades for the Great Leader, female journalists burned at the steak . . . all the while an appeased Vladimir Putin marches his armies across Europe.

What’s most remarkable, perhaps, about the fever dream of all the Trump haters—which I’ve exaggerated, but only slightly—is its schizoid nature.

For months, we were told, by people from the mainstream Left and Right, Donald Trump is not real: he’s not serious . . . he’s about to drop out . . . his numbers are fake . . . the whole thing’s a vanity project . . . don’t be a sucker.

Then, we were told that Trump is, in fact, all too real: he became a screen upon which his haters projected all their nightmares: White nationalism . . . a resurgent Russia . . . fascism . . . a Big Man who doesn’t listen to the “experts,” “policy wonks” and “neocons” for his ideas, and who would probably dispense with such people if given the chance.

This schizoid reaction—that Trump isn’t real and all too real—is the reaction of someone repressing something, repressing a deep and dark truth.

Trump—the phenomenon, not just the man—has been a very long time coming. For something has been rotten in the state of America for a very long time.

And Trump haters are right about one thing: the phenomenon can only be understood as an expression of White Americans’ growing awareness of their demographic displacement . . . the erosion of their security, power, and influence . . . and the cutting off of their future.

In other words, the Trump phenomenon derives from what could be the called The Great Erasure: former White countries being transformed, humiliated, and ultimately invaded and raped. This is what is happening right now, and it might be the most important historical development of the last 500 years.

The System, you could say, is looking into that place where it dares not look. And it finds Trump there, staring back at it. When or how this phenomenon would arise, as well as who would lead it, nobody knew. But that it would come was inevitable.

A Crack in the System

Trump was the most powerful potential challenge to the status quo in my lifetime—the most powerful potential challenge to “The System,” and by that I don’t just mean the government. I mean the entire corporate and economic structure . . . the media, entertainment, and culture industries . . . hegemonic discourse . . . the way we talk and think and breathe and dream.

Perhaps the most dominating component of “The System” is not its bombs or bureaucrats or police or taxes but its Narrative and Paradigm.

The System is most powerful when it cuts off that something else, that dream of another world and the will to bring it into being. The System, in other words, presents itself as “inevitable,” as everything you could ever want. Far from being brutal or unfeeling, The System has “thought of everything”—it has even thought of the ways in which you will oppose The System.

If you’re a White man filled with angst at your declining income and foreclosed home . . . and the fact that you don’t know your children anymore . . . never fear! You can vote for the greasy televangelist from Texas, named Ted or Jeb or Dubya, and make the “The Constitution” and “freedom” a cozy substitute for your existence.

Or if you’re a young White liberal with 100k in student-loan debt . . . so big can’t even think about getting married and having kids . . . never fear! You can support Bernie (and settle for Hillary) and signal that you’re one of those cool, virtuous, post-White White people . . . one of those who, you know, will get a place at the table in the minority America of 2050 . . . pretty please . . .

The System is its own opposition, its own problem and solution, its own critique and its own redemption. The System endlessly satisfies us . . . and we are endlessly unhappy, always feeling empty. (Even leftists don’t really get what they want.)

The System is, in other words, inevitable.

But something else was always inevitable: Sooner or later, there was going to be a “crack in system” . . . a deep fracture . . . and this wound would not be inflicted on The System from an outside power. It would come from within.

This contradiction would eventually undermine The System . . . would make new things possible . . . things The System’s policemen and high priests were always guarding against and which they believed were no longer imaginable.

Trump was this contradiction . . . that thing that none of us could have predicted . . . but which now seems inevitable.

Some of us might have day-dreamed of some foreign intervention that would save us from The System—as if America might be invaded and liberated by Putin’s Red Army or Marion Le-Pen of Arc. Red Dawn, Part II: The Good Guys Win This Time!

But that would have been too easy.

The Contradiction of The System—the figure that brings about its breakdown—must be part of The System. He must be something vain, sometime absurd . . . a gambling and real-estate tycoon . . . and star of a “reality show.” He must be something real and unreal at the same time.

In The Current Year, the Contradiction could never be someone like Joan of Arc; it must be someone like Donald Trump.

For Trump isn’t just part of The System; he’s an undisputed maestro of the vulgar and stupid.

So much about Trump offends us, maybe even appalls us. But then we don’t get to choose. We don’t get to decide the way in which The System will crack and turn on itself. . . and we don’t get to choose which man will embody and bear something far bigger than himself, something far bigger than he recognizes.

Today, the word “Napoleon” has such a glow that it needs no qualifier, surname, or historical context. Napoleon embodies that upwards striving in our souls . . . that will, not merely to increase the glory of France, but to build a Grand Empire for all Europe. He’s a man who could only be expressed through a symphony.

But that’s now.

There’s no doubt that so many conservatives of his time viewed Napoleon as a “vulgar” Corsican . . . some military upstart . . . someone far too tainted by the times and The Revolution. Conservatives, no doubt, would have preferred an ancient King or priest or troubadour as their leader. But Napoleon was Napoleon; and only Napoleon could be Napoleon.

Trump might be, in his vulgar and stupid way, the Napoleon of The Current Year.

Trump might have “gone to the greatest schools,” but he never passed through The System’s cursus honorum, its “path of honor, to become a political leader: first, law school and low-level officialdom, then up the latter of media talking points, focus groups, ass-kissing, and selling one’s soul.

Trump never went through the gauntlet, which impresses the “right opinions” upon potential leaders and weeds out those who actually care about their people and civilization . . . or who are simply interesting.

The Republican and Democratic parties are tools of the American oligarchy, of Super Pacs and the donor class. Trump, on the other hand, led a populist movement not in spite of the fact that he’s an oligarch but because of it. Trump has, indeed turned oligarchy into a kind of populism.

Other candidates might talk about being the son of a mailman or bartender, and relish getting themselves photographed wearing plaid or eating a slice of pizza. Trump, on the other hand, has never hidden the fact that he’s rich guy (and that he’s the kind of man who eats pizza with a fork . . . which is weird).

But in this way, Trump is the only candidate who can legitimately say he could never be bought.

Trump has also been the most radically transparent candidate about the current political dispensation. Forget the idiotic demand that he release his back taxes. When Trump says that he “got along with lots of politicians,” he is effectively bragging that he bought them at auction. Such honesty is only offensive to those who are hopelessly delusional about the nature of American democracy, or who benefit by keeping the racket going.

In turn, Trump is a serious politician not in spite of the fact that he’s a narcissist and reality show star—but because of it.

Trump is not a celebrity like Tom Cruise or George Clooney or Elizabeth Tailer: distant, isolated, unapproachable, and strange.

Trump has, through the television set, been in people’s homes, eaten dinner with them, gone to bed with them, you could say, for three decades. He’s been a kind of friend to admire and envy, even a source of authority. He’s been a one-man “reality show”—a real person, who’s larger than life. This kind of power, whatever we might think of it, is its own political campaigns and “ground game.”

True Lies

Trump is the man who boasts that his opponents come to him on their hands and knees . . . while sweating profusely . . . the only women who can resist him are those menstruating through their eyeballs.

All of that is bullshit, of course—“truthful hyperbole.” But then to understand it as mere bullshit is to understand nothing.

“Public relations”—and postmodern “image production”—is, as Baudrillard observed, all about signs without references . . . words without meaning . . . sound and fury signifying nothing . . . bullshit within bullshit.

But Trump’s genius is to embed truth within his vulgar and stupid bullshit: deep truths, sometimes hard or harsh truths . . . dangerous truths.

One can see this, first and foremost, in his slogan “Make America Great Again”—the most memorable one-liner of the year.

Eight years ago, Barack Obama’s “Hope We Can Believe In” revealed, early on, the vacuous and entirely non-revolutionary nature of his presidency. In turn, Marco Rubio’s “A New American Century” is, quite literally, a name adopted from a neoconservative think-tank that planned the Iraq War.

On the surface, you could say that “Make America Great Again” is just a big patriotic foam-hand announcing “We’re #1!” On a deeper level, Turmp’s slogan implies directly that America is not great . . . that America power might be an illusion . . . that we’re coasting on the fumes of the 20th century . . . and that it’s time to rethink everything. Trump has thus, amazingly, brought a awareness of The Great Erasure and American Decline into public consciousness, in a way that we never could. In other words, “Make America Great Again” is a true lie, as opposed to the lying lies we’ve become inured to.

After September 11, George W. Bush had a real opportunity (maybe the last one) to re-found White America: he could have shut down immigration entirely, or at least immigration from non-European countries, and gotten away with it politically.

Instead, “Dubya-style” nationalism became the ultimate expression of patriotic bullshit. Let’s attach a flag to our SUVs, y’all . . . fight the Muslims by going shopping and taking out mortgages . . . Why question any of this? Why seriously examine the direction our civilization has taken—that would be letting the terrorists win!

The Dubya years represented the ultimate bullshit Clash of Civilizations: consumerism, democracy, and “human rights” will destroy the extremists . . . or seduce them into becoming the same passive nihilists we are!

Trump’s Wall, on the other hand—along with his demand to cease Muslim immigration—becomes something else entirely: it becomes existential . . . a declaration of difference . . . a symbol of our will to survive.

Trump, whether he knows it or not, is announcing the return of Grand Politics . . . politics on the greatest scale . . . politics as the struggle between races and civilizations.

And Trump’s so-called “Bromance” with Vladimir Putin is just as radical as The Wall, perhaps even more so.

The history of the 20th century has been a history of a long civil war, a Brothers War. Trump and Putin—this is the image of two of the three great blocks of the White Race—North America and Russia—finally reaching an understanding. It is a cancellation of the the 20th century. A sign of hope that Europeans can finally stop fighting each other, and losing the whole world in the process.

TRUMP—the name itself—is a true lie—something combining bullshit and greatness, something stupid and primal.

For Trump is a billionaire not just because of buildings and casinos but because of TRUMP, because of the brand and all that it implies. TRUMP isn’t associated with any one product or real-estate development or beauty pageant or mouth-watering steak. TRUMP is all of it and more. TRUMP is a thing in itself—intangible, inexpressible, invaluable. TRUMP represents that golden longing for success . . . for power . . . for winning . . . and for indulging in just enough decadence, sex, and arrogance. TRUMP represents that will to power . . . to be great . . . and to be something more than a man.

The Alt and the Right

Perhaps my least favorite opinion about Trump is that he is the “last chance” or the “last hope” of White America. There’s something reactionary and weak about getting excited about “last chances,” as it implies propping up something that deserves to die. Trump is powerful as something new, as a first stand of European identity politics.

Seven year ago, when I first started using this term “Alternative Right,” it was my own passionate plea for that something else— something outside The System and the thought-prison of “conservatism.”

The Alt Right was, at its beginning, a kind of “rebellion without a cause” or, you could say, conservatism for when there’s nothing to conserve.

And to be honest, I became a bit disenchanted with the term “Alt Right.” After a while, I wanted to get beyond Left and Right and assert European Identity—identitarianism—as the foundation and sine qua non of my ideology. I didn’t want to just be an “alternative.”

But “Alt Right” took on a life of its own, outside my control. And it’s much bigger than me or any single individual. (Ramzpaul mentioned to me that while he was abroad, he was approached by a Romanian fan in a bar, who announced to him, “Paul, Ramzpaul. Greetings! I am Alt Right shitlord.”)

“Alt Right” has taken a journey but remained remarkably true to my original conception. And it is all these Shitlords—with all their Trumpean vulgarity and “take no prisoners” attitude—who are doing much more than any establishment journalist to uncover what really matters in the world.

As I look back on it now, there seems to be a wonderful contradiction between the words “alternative” and “Right”: something new and frenetic and uncontrollable (“alternative”), and something old and traditional and eternal (“the Right”).

Our movement must itself be a contradiction: alternative Right . . . conservative revolution . . . radical traditionalist . . . archeo-futurist . . . anarcho-fascist. All of these seem to implicitly recognize that we might need to unleash a little chaos . . . some hashtags and dank memes . . . some Trumpean vulragiry . . . before we put society back together again. Trump is, in this way, an authentic hero of our movement.

He is expressing deep contradictions within The System . . . deep unrest among White people that has been boiling for decades . . . and has revealed the utter uselessness of self-styled “conservatives.”

Trump has done this, to an extent we shouldn’t underestimate, unknowingly. In Donald Trump’s brain, the Trump phenomenon probably is all about Donald Trump.

But for us, and the world, the Trump phenomenon is much bigger than the man. He is a vehicle, unwittingly, bringing forth ideas and emotions that are terrifying to The System.

In turn, we project on him our hopes and dreams. We Photoshop Trump, not as a casino magnate, but as what he could or should be—as a Roman . . . an imperial general . . . or great conqueror in some Dune-like archeo-future.

Not too long ago, the Brietbart writer Milo Yanisagreeklastname, spoke at a college and was, predictably, disrupted and harassed by Black Live Matters groupies. When the Whites in the crowd actually stood up and started to fight back, they chanted “Trump . . . Trump . . . TRUMP!”

This was not mere election-year cheerleading. For we must remember that before the Trump phenomenon, these White people had nothing to chant; they had no call or word that expressed their spirit and soul.

TRUMP has become a killing word. And Trump, maybe despite himself, has become the Napoleon of the Current Year.


But then let’s take a step back.

Over the past months, there have been many nonsensical calls by journalists for Trump to “distance” himself from “racism” and the phantom menace of the Ku Klux Klan. (Trump, being Trump, has mostly refused to cower to political correctness.)

But in a way, it’s more important for us to distance ourselves from Trump. (And I don’t just say that in the sense that identitarians are not really helping Trump much when we endorse him or wax enthusiastic about him.)

I say this in the sense that our movement should never be defined by one single man. We should never put all our eggs in one basket. For the revival of European identity must last much longer than the Trump phenomenon, longer than my life or that of anyone here.

Our movement is, on one hand, about Yesterday, about our ancestors and the bedrock of who we are. And on the other, our movement is about Tomorrow, and the Day After Tomorrow.

It is not about Today, for the Current Year belongs to the whores and politicians. Tomorrow belongs to us!

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