Radix Journal

Radix Journal

A radical journal

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Red Ice NPI Coverage

Sad you missed the latest National Policy Institute conference? Well, don’t fret *Red Ice Radio* was there recording the whole thing and you can watch the speeches below:

Sad you missed the latest National Policy Institute conference? Well, don’t fret Red Ice Radio was there recording the whole thing and you can watch the speeches below:

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Radically Mainstream

In the wake of discussing “hailgate”, and other controversies it has become easy to forget what a triump the National Policy Institute’s *Become Who We Are 2016* conference was. Over 300 identitarians and Alt Righters desended on Washington D.C. for a two day celebration and exploration of the new vanguard on the American right.

In the wake of discussing “hailgate“, and other controversies it has become easy to forget what a triump the National Policy Institute’s Become Who We Are 2016 conference was. Over 300 identitarians and Alt Righters desended on Washington D.C. for a two day celebration and exploration of the new vanguard on the American right.

Over at Rolling Stone, and article titled “Radically Mainstream: Why the Alt-Right Is Celebrating Trump’s Win” gives a bit of flavor to the conference’s success, though not too much of course, after all, the ideological glass ceiling has to preserved:

At nearly 300 attendees, this year’s gathering – taking place less than two weeks after Trump’s upset victory – is his largest to date…Ten days earlier, I’m waiting outside a restaurant in Washington, D.C.’s trendy Logan Circle. It’s the day after the election, and Spencer has suggested we meet for lunch. The mood of passersby is desultory. Two men recognize and greet each other; when one asks how the other is doing, he shrugs sadly. The first man responds, “I know.”

But when Spencer arrives, he’s elated. He was out late drinking and celebrating the win, and says he got only three hours of sleep. He started his evening at the Trump Hotel and then just roved around the city, where he says he was stopped and greeted by fans. “I don’t want to get too indulgent,” he says, “but it is actually kind of wild where you’ll meet people and they’ll be like, ‘Oh, I love you.’…Over lunch, Spencer says that building white nationalism – or “identitarianism,” as he prefers to call it – poses enormous challenges, because the movement’s ideas are still considered taboo, even toxic, by many Americans. “You’re jumping off into the unknown without any assurance of a parachute,” he says of working in the movement. “Or that you’re kind of taking a leap off a cliff and hoping that your parachute works.” You do so knowing your job opportunities may be curtailed, your family ties strained. Funding, too, has been a struggle. “A multi-millionaire can fund a rather extreme left-wing group and suffer no social consequences for it. He’s not going to get disinvited from his cocktail parties, he’s not going to be denounced by his minister. But on the right – I think even you would admit it’s like that…”

“We’ve been legitimized by this election,” he says. While the campaign itself was a huge boost to the movement, Trump’s election, he says, has brought the Alt-Right to “a new level.” “Legitimacy is … an unmeasurable, intangible thing that is everything.”

He says he sees Trump as a symbol, a vehicle for white aspirations, in much the same way so many projected their hopes and dreams onto Obama. “That made him cool, it made him a force, and I think we’ve made Trump a force in that way. And you can’t measure how important that is…”

He imagines producing a series of white papers that would trickle up into conversations inside the White House, starting with one he produced in October on why NATO should be dismantled. “That is influence, where people are thinking things that they had no idea who planted this in their head,” he says. He likens his approach to the film Inception, in which Leonardo DiCaprio plays a thief who’s able to invade people’s unconscious thoughts. “It’s planting ideas,” he says. “People will come to the conclusions themselves, but the true influencer is the one who kind of helps them, that kind of leads them there.”

On the home front, Spencer expresses enthusiasm for Ivanka Trump’s proposal for paid family leave. “A lot of intelligent women who have great DNA, who are wasting it, in a way, by becoming career gals, and they’re waking up and they’re 45 and they’re living with cats,” he says. Paid leave would allow them to discover that “they really like kids and like being at home, and like babies.” When I say I hear in his words echoes of natalism – a political ideology that promotes childbearing – he agrees, saying he’d call it “natalist socialism.”

He talks cryptically about his contacts in the world of conservative think tanks and media. “They know who we are, we know them, like there is contact, there has been first contact.” He has high hopes for Washington’s younger thought leaders, because “when you talk about people over the age of 50, it’s sometimes hard to get them to create new neural pathways.”

“If you’re young and you’re edgy,” Spencer says, “you’re Alt-Right” – or, he hopes, you will be soon…

What has been “legitimized,” in the Alt-Right view, is the movement’s central creation myth: that white people are being “dispossessed” in contemporary America. Regnery tells me during a break in the conference, over coffee in the Reagan building’s food court, that he feels “a real sense of dispossession” because the country is no longer “90 percent white…”

Trump’s election is symptomatic, to Spencer, that “it is dawning upon millions of white Americans that their future is being cut off from them.” That’s why he’ll encourage his forces to make sure Trump fulfills his campaign promises to not only build a wall, but impose a “dramatic” and “lasting” impact on immigration. Deporting all “illegal immigrants,” he says, would “fundamentally make a difference in terms of the demographic trajectory of the United States.”

“We want to be radically mainstream – that is, we really want to enter the world, we want our ideas to be at the table, and people to listen to them,” says Spencer.

Now, he notes, “that is happening to a very large degree.”

Radically mainstream, we’re the future of the right.

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Hailgate

Mike Enoch of The Right Stuff joins Richard to discuss “Hailgate,” the 2016 NPI Conference, the trajectory of the Alt Right, and more. Listen to “Hailgate” on Spreaker. Sam Francis,…

Mike Enoch of The Right Stuff joins Richard to discuss “Hailgate,” the 2016 NPI Conference, the trajectory of the Alt Right, and more.

Listen to “Hailgate” on Spreaker.

Sam Francis, Anarcho-Tyranny
Alternet writer dies of Post Trump Stress Disorder
“Dick Spencer, Go Away!” at Providence College
Tulsi Gabbard
Kobach / Trump easter egg photo
Robert Frost, “Mending Wall”
Hillary / Hilter
The Daily Shoah 112, 113

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Class of ’97

It seems that our beloved Editor-in-Chief, Richard Spencer, has gotten into a bit of a feud with his old prep school, St. Mark’s School of Texas in Dallas. St. Marks…

It seems that our beloved Editor-in-Chief, Richard Spencer, has gotten into a bit of a feud with his old prep school, St. Mark’s School of Texas in Dallas.

St. Marks was, in fact, an inspiriation for Wes Anderson’s film Rushmore, along with his own prep school, St. John’s of Houston. (Anderson’s friend Owen Wilson was a “Marksman” (class of ’87). Richard’s dressing down by the headmaster calls to mind Max Fischer’s travails in Anderson’s eccentric comedy.

But ultimately, condemnation by a headmaster years after graduation lies somewhere beyond satire. Indeed, such humourless thought policing is the reason satire is near dead in mainstream society. As such, it is only proper that we send up this type of behavior wherever it manifests itself—and as always, with joy!

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The Preppy Purge

The Brooks Brothers Brigade turns on one its own: The headmaster of St. Mark’s School of Dallas broke with the prep school’s policy of not commenting on its students after…

The Brooks Brothers Brigade turns on one its own:

The headmaster of St. Mark’s School of Dallas broke with the prep school’s policy of not commenting on its students after one of it’s alumni, alt-right leader Richard Spencer, led a Nazi-style salute last weekend.

“This has been deeply troubling and terribly upsetting to our whole school community,” headmaster David Dini wrote in a statement released Saturday, according to the Dallas Morning News. Though he did not mention Spencer by name, he did refer to the white nationalist’s “hateful, divisive, racist and anti-Semitic views.”

“At St. Mark’s, we reject racism and bigotry in all its forms and expressions,” Dini added.

The incident happened when Spencer gave a toast in Washington, D.C., last Saturday that drew approving Nazi-style salutes from several conferencegoers. “Hail Trump! Hail our people! Hail victory!” boomed Spencer, popularizer of the term “alt-right” to describe white nationalists, at a National Policy Institute gathering in the Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center.

Spencer then extended his right arm with a glass to toast that victory. Most members of the audience cheered. Some can be seen in a video excerpt of a forthcoming documentary extending their right arms and palms instead in unmistakable Nazi-style salutes.

Spencer is a 1997 graduate of St. Marks. After a Mother Jones story linked Spencer to the prep school, members of the class of 1997 began an online fundraising effort “against” Spencer, which is raising money for the International Rescue Committee, an agency in Dallas committed to resettling refugees. As of press time, $40,000 have been raised.

The most revealing part of this story is that my classmates’ response to viewpoints they don’t like is to commit civilizational suicide even harder than before. They are raising money for resettling refugees in their city, damaging the lives of White people who lack their privilege.

When I attended St. Mark’s in the ’90s, the school was overwhlemingly Anglo-Protestant. (Not surprisingly, Jews were overrepresetned as a proportion of the population of Dallas.) Today, St. Mark’s official website boasts that the school is 45 percent “of color.”

If this episode doesn’t express the end stage of WASP decline, I don’t know what does.

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Roman Holiday

The past few days have been deeply affirming and deeply trying. Affirming in that our conference was a wonderful event. On Sunday morning, everyone I met was in great spirits…

The past few days have been deeply affirming and deeply trying.

Affirming in that our conference was a wonderful event. On Sunday morning, everyone I met was in great spirits and excited about the speeches, the press conference, and, in particular, the atmosphere on Saturday evening. The amount of excitement we’re generating means we’re making a breakthrough.

But these past days have been trying, too. And—let’s be honest—we must learn some important lessons from the media outrage that has resulted from my “Hail Trump!” toast and the handful of people in the crowd who gave Roman salutes.

One of the greatest qualities of the Alt Right is our irreverence and fun. Conservatives are dour and humorless. The Alt Right is boisterous and even outlandish.

As I began my speech on Saturday night, I said “Long Live the Emperor!” Another speaker, Matthew Tait, toasted the Egyptian deity Kek. When I was in Cleveland, Ohio, this summer, I was photographed giving the “other” straight-arm salute (the one with a clinched fist, which is apparently okay). One person photographed saluting with Tila Tequila observed, “As a half-Jew posing with an Asian, I figured it would be viewed for what it was, a joke.” Other people who took part in the exuberance have emailed me similar stories.

The other stiff-arm salute.

The other stiff-arm salute.

We should never allow our enemies to define what we can and cannot joke about. (For the record, I don’t care if BLM activists make ironic gestures towards Stalin or Mao; it doesn’t change what I think of them.)

But the fact remains, there are millions of eyes on us now. And what we do and say have more ramifications than they did before.

We are a movement that is challenging the Great Taboos of the age and, because of that, we will inherently run up against massive attacks from the mainstream media. This often inspires us to throw PC back in the faces of the chattering class. And, no doubt, the Roman salutes at the event were meant, not just as a celebration, but as a big “FU!” to the lying media (which, as we’ve seen, really does lie).

But we should always remember our goal of reaching that “Eternal Normie”—the people who grasp that something is profoundly wrong with the world . . . but who can’t quite articulate it . . . who are looking for a way out . . . and who have been psychologically programmed since birth to see anything related to Nazism as the seat of all evil. In other words, we must demonstrate discipline; this goes for me, as well those who attend public and private events. Since I began my career as an activist, I have recognized that the Alt Right will not succeed as a movement trapped in the past. This is 2016, as they say, and we must be fresh and new and engaged.

So let’s move upwards and onwards. No apologies, for we did nothing wrong. Despite all the media’s ridiculous fear mongering, it was our enemies outside the hall who were engaged in the most vile physical attacks. We were the ones celebrating, and we’ll be the ones who get the last laugh.

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Free Speech vs. the Capitalists

2016 was a great clarifier for the Right. 

First, Donald Trump separated those who genuinely care about the problems facing the West from the movement hacks who would rather impotently opine about “the Constitution” and “my principles” while their civilization crumbles around them. 

2016 was a great clarifier for the Right.

First, Donald Trump separated those who genuinely care about the problems facing the West from the movement hacks who would rather impotently opine about “the Constitution” and “my principles” while their civilization crumbles around them.

But over the past week, while Twitter intensified its alt-right purges, violent communist demonstrators attempted to shut down the National Policy Institute’s annual conference, and the left chose Richard Spencer for its newest Two Minutes Hate, another distinction became clear. The battle for free speech is fast becoming one of the most important battles of our time. And once again, events are separating those who actually understand the problem in its real, concrete form from those who focus on dogmas, platitudes, and fantasy worlds.

Speaking of the latter: Many of us first came to the alt-right through the libertarian movement, especially as influenced by Ron Paul, Ludwig von Mises, and Murray Rothbard. This tradition thinks of free speech only as property rights, defined by the non-aggression principle. According to them, I should be free to say whatever I want on my own property, so long as everyone else is free to do the same. If no one infringes on anyone else’s property rights, then no problem arises. Though my SWPL neighbors would drive me out of their homes if I brought up racial IQ differences over dinner, they can operate their property however they want, so my speech rights are not technically violated.

As a former libertarian myself, I can’t dispute the logic of this argument. And yet, it is completely inapplicable to the actual free speech battleground that exists today. Though legal protections for the freedom of speech are as wide as they have ever been, it has also never been more dangerous for a dissenter to speak his mind—eloquently demonstrated by the fact that people can face severe repercussions if they mention that they voted for the President-elect of the United States.

None of our modern speech-policing occurred through infringing anyone’s property rights. Instead, it came about in a new spin on the old Marxist view of property owners exploiting the propertyless. The only difference is that now the capitalists use their immense fortunes to silence the Right and to empower the Left.

The concerted attacks on Richard Spencer and anyone who dared attend his conference this past weekend are just as brutal and dishonest as anything ever leveled against Donald Trump. Only this time it is done against people without Trump’s resources and media savvy. Richard is smart and will likely weather the attacks. But what about a college kid who gets doxxed for attending his speech? In a libertarian world, CNN has every right to drag him through the mud and render him forever unemployable.

The same principle plays out countless times elsewhere. We see Twitter censor right-wing accounts, while Google and Facebook prepare to change their algorithms to make it harder to find the so-called “fake news” sites that they fear benefitted Trump. (At least one left-wing professor believes the “fake news” list should include Breitbart, the Drudge Report, and LewRockwell.com. We can be sure that many others share her sentiment.) On the flipside, Google can also ensure that a record of association with so-called “white nationalists” will remain the top search hit under anyone’s name who might rather it didn’t.

The threat of losing a job or becoming permanently blacklisted as a “racist” is the biggest roadblock to genuine free expression and prevents the corporate employee class from voicing opposition to egalitarian orthodoxy just as effectively as the old Soviet commissars ever could. Moreover, the “speech codes” that do exist today are imposed by private colleges and corporate HR departments, all of which are, in libertarian terms, just setting the rules for their own property in accord with the NAP. After all, as the Rothbardians never tire of saying, “no one forces you to work there.”

We can expect that the free speech battles of the twenty-first century will therefore barely involve the state at all. Instead, it will be a battle pitting free-thinking but scattered individuals of relatively modest means against well-funded private corporations, academic institutions, social media empires, and search engines.

In the worst case, the state may give some subsidies to the colleges and corporations that oppose us, making it marginally easier for them to employ the types of censorship they would have employed even in the absence of government funding. More likely, though, the state will simply step aside and let us fight amongst ourselves. Though libertarians live for fine, hairsplitting distinctions, the actual censors do not care exactly who is doing the censoring so long as the targeted views get silenced. If censorship can be outsourced to the private sector, then, from a lazy bureaucrat’s perspective, that’s just one thing less to worry about.

Then again, in the best case, the state may actually be our friend. The Trump administration would likely prefer us to the puritanical scolds who used the same social shaming and economic boycott tactics to push him into conforming with the leftist hive. And even the administrations that follow Trump will still have the First Amendment to contend with. This, combined with the fact that the state gets its tax money regardless of what the taxpayers think of it, means that it will be generally immune to economic pressure in ways a private business would not. When NPI came to Washington, the private Hamilton restaurant immediately canceled a dinner contract when antifa turned up the pressure. But the federal Ronald Reagan Building, constrained by the First Amendment and immune from market pressure, kept its bargain and allowed the conference to stay.

In the face of these new threats, the idea that Twitter or Google can do whatever it wants because it is a private company is increasingly meaningless. Sure, the idea accords with traditional notions of property rights. But who cares? If libertarian property rights empower the people who seek to destroy western White civilization by flooding it with alien cultures, while the dwindling remnants of the West dissipate their last hours with Snapchat, Porn Hub, and dildos, then why bother defending it?

The Right must fight the battles that actually exist. In 2016, everyone attacking free speech does so for the exclusive benefit of the Left. They want to silence us because they understand that if people are free to speak their minds, the Left will be exposed for the pretentious charlatans that they are. So if we want to save the West, we must first break down the barriers that make even discussing our goals prohibitively dangerous.

As we do so, we must remember that this battle has nothing to do with legalistic niceties like property rights or the NAP. Rather, it is a proxy fight in the most important issue of our time: whether the people who, as inventors of electricity, literally gave the world light, will survive. The Left understands this, which is why they fight so hard. So does the alt-right, which happily responds to Twitter purges with the full realization that leftist censorship is always evil and wrong, regardless of the process through which it is imposed.

Meanwhile, the rest of the Right—the libertarians, cuckservatives, paleocons, mainstreamers, and party loyalists—will have to choose. They can join us in the fight against left-wing thought control and help create a more livable society for themselves and their families. If they do, we should forgive them their past mistakes.

Or they can decide to cling to old dogmas that disempower them for the benefit of their enemies. In so doing, irrelevance is their only hope. If they help our enemies win, they will only end up as junior partners to a left-wing monolith—propped up by Third World immigrants—that will never leave them alone and will never stop hating them. On the other hand, if, God willing, the Right can take our country back from the managerial class who have ruined things for so long, then they will join their intellectual peers Jeb Bush, Glenn Beck, and Evan McMullin in the trash heap of pompous cowards irrelevant to the events transpiring around them. In other words: the moral equivalents of a man who debated metaphysics while his family died in a house fire.

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Why Trump?

One need not reflect long on the state of contemporary America to appreciate the necessity of Donald J. Trump. Just as every construction must be preceded by a destruction in…

One need not reflect long on the state of contemporary America to appreciate the necessity of Donald J. Trump. Just as every construction must be preceded by a destruction in some form, Trump has taken aim at some of the most stubborn and ill-advised received wisdoms of the modern age. His candidacy has witnessed the shattering of taboo shibboleths on immigration and the ethos of American foreign policy.

Most significantly, the Trump campaign has brokered a new spirit of defiance among the White masses, brow-beaten and exhausted by the silent diktats of political correctness and a slavish adherence to the political status quo. Trump’s ‘truths’ are, in a sense, revolutionary.

He has created a pathway for voters to openly acknowledge that their government is corrupt, that globalist interests have too much power, that law and order is a national priority, that they have a right to maintain the traditional character of their nation, and that in the sphere of foreign policy it is a moral good to place the interests of America first.

These ‘truths’ have been present in the corners of American political sub-culture for some time, but Trump’s personality, perserverence, and resources have made them mainstream. Why Trump? Because he may just unlock the future we have all been striving for.

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We the Vanguard Now

Some might say that the Alt Right was bad for Trump . . . that we made his brand toxic . . . that we would have helped him more…

Some might say that the Alt Right was bad for Trump . . . that we made his brand toxic . . . that we would have helped him more by just shutting up or even endorsing Hillary . . . that our first rule should have been, “Do no harm” . . . etc.

But to think in this way is to misunderstand everything.

Sam Francis noted that with both the Democratic and Republican Parties, the elites are to the left of the voters. Left-wing intellectuals, activists, and operatives are to the left (often far to the left) of the majority of Democrats (your average labor-union worker, soccer mom, or Black American). On the other hand, the Republican elite (the bowtie brigade, religious leaders, and “conservative intellectuals”) are also to the left of Republicans. Indeed, the Republican elite functions to dampen or deflect populist energies—to make sure things don’t “get out of hand” and that American nationalism is always about tax cuts.

In turn, the Alt Right (long before we had the name) was totally alienated from Republican politics. Postmodern deconstructionists and former left-wing terrorists with academic sinecures have a place in the official Left. People like Sam Francis were personae non gratae in the Right.

2016 changed all this.

The Alt Right is deeply connected to Trumpian populism in intellectual, spiritual, and visceral ways—for, as everyone agrees, Trump’s victory was, at its root, a victory of identity politics. And it was a campaign that ultimately dispensed with “conservatism” as we knew it. Because of this fact, Trump was opposed by most all components of the mainstream Right—from the neocons to establishment operatives to goofballs like Glenn Beck. And these forces opposed him with such vehemence that they simply cannot share in his victory.

In this way, the Alt Right, far more plausibly than the “conservative movement,” can lay claim to being the new Trumpian vanguard.

Before Trump, the Alt Right could be criticized for being a “head without a body”; it was engaged in meta-political and scientific discussion, but lacked a real connection with practical politics and the hopes and dreams of average Americans. In turn, Trump’s populism—with its half-baked policy ideas and sketchy vision of the future—could be criticized as a “body without a head.”

Now we are the whole man. The Alt Right and Trumpian populism are now aligned much in the way the Left is aligned with Democratic politicians like Obama and Hillary. The American Right always lacked a true vanguard. In the form of “conservatives,” it had only a “rearguard” or “muffle” or “hall monitor.” We—and only we—can say the things Trump can’t say . . . can criticize him in the right way . . . and can envision a new world that he can’t quite grasp.

2016 wasn’t just a “weird election,” with a seemingly unelectable candidate who didn’t play by the rules. 2016 represents a paradigm shift of enormous proportions. We have been transfigured by it—and so has the world.

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